ICoE Cours Outline (Introduction to Comparative Politics)

Introduction to Comparative Politics

Professor Meredith Weiss

Mweiss27@jhu.edu

December/January 2013/2014

          This course will introduce you to the concepts, methods, and a number of key theories and frameworks in the study of Comparative Politics. We will focus not on specific cases, but on ways of describing, comparing, and assessing a range of cases. By the end of the course, student should be able to classify and evaluate a given country in light of key taxonomies (classification schemes) and metrics in the subfield, to sketch a plan for comparative, and to research, and to understand and compare different regime types, modes of participation, and broad development strategies.

          The course will be run largely as a seminar. While the professor will lecture for part of each class, student participation is expected. Come to class prepared with questions and comments: details you did not understand, angles you found interesting, etc. frequent, short, in-class exercises, completed individually or in teams, will have allow you to test, apply, and extend your knowledge – so completing the assigned reading for each class, before that class session, is essential. In addition, there will be an in-class midterm exam and a final team project (details to come). Students are required to attend 2 tutorial sessions for this class per week, in line with the overall program guidelines.

          For the final project, each team will pick a different country. As a team, sketch the key attributes of that state, in terms of the parameters we are studying in this course: its institutional framework, the depth and scope of civil society, its economic model and status, etc. Each team member will then pick one angle and think comparatively about how that state might reconfigure or improve that dimension. For instance, if a team selects Thailand as its country, the team as a whole will describe that status quo, then one member might discuss a plan for more equitable economic development, in light of what other countries have tried and Thailand’s specific character; one might suggest a way to reconfigure the legislature for greater stability; one might focus on ways to foster a stronger political party system; and one might consider ways to cultivate sustainable, constructive popular engagement, beyond mass protests. Offer a balanced argument: note likely obstacles and tradeoffs, as well as benefits.

          Each segment of the final project – the collaborative introduction plus each individual paper – should be approximately 1000 words. Each team will present its findings in the final class; presentations should be on more than 20 minutes total.

          There is one textbook for the course: Timothy Lim, Doing Comparative Politics: An Introduction to Approaches and Issues, 2^nd ed. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010.

All supplemental readings will be provided.

Ø Introduction

Ø What is comparative politics?

Ø Comparative methods

Ø Theory in comparative politics

Ø Democracy, authoritarianism, and regime changes

Ø Institutional options

Ø The “menu of manipulation”: Fraud and other problems

Ø Explaining underdevelopment

Ø Explaining economic growth

Ø Explaining collective mobilization

Ø Student presentations on final projects

ICoE Course Outline (Thailand before and after Thaksin)

Thailand before and after Thaksin

Professor Kevin Hewison

January 27 to February 14, 2014

Sir Walter Murdoch Distinguished Professor of Politics and International Studies

Director of the Asian Research Centre

Murdoch University, Perth, Western Australia

khewison@gmail.com

kevin.hewison@murdoch.edu.au

Overview

          Over the past few decades countries across the developing world and post-communist countries have been transformed by political and economic upheavals. In recent years we have seen dramatic events in the Middle East – known as the Arab Spring – and closer to home we have seen a decade of political crisis in Thailand as red shirts and yellow shirts have each claimed to be seeking “real democracy.”

          This turmoil in Thailand is generated as the “old” is challenged by the “new” in a range of arenas: economy, civil society, politics and ideology. This part of the course examines some aspects of these challenges using the rise and demise of Thaksin Shinawatra. A wealthy businessman, Thaksin’s Thai Rak Thai Party was elected in 2001 in the wake of the 1997-98 Asian Economic Crisis. Every time there has been an election since then, a pro-Thaksin party has been elected to government.

          Yet each time these governments have been elected, they have been thrown out either by military coup, judicial intervention and/or large Bangkok-based demonstrations. Thaksin and his government, and those associated with him, have been accused of various offences and wrongdoing: offending the monarchy, constitutional malfeasance, corruption, nepotism and cronyism, authoritarianism and human rights abuses, amongst other crimes, immoralities and transgressions.

          The forces aligned for and against Thaksin and his parties provide a useful window on the challenges facing modern Thailand, its politics and its economy. Over this series of lectures, reading and tutorials, you are expected to develop a broad understanding of these questions:

Who has controlled Thailand?

Who will control Thailand?

Who will benefit from this control?

Will control be democratic, authoritarian or something else?

First Week

          In the first week we look specifically at the prime ministership of Thaksin Shinawatra. The lecture will introduce to Thailand, provide some background on major concepts, and highlight aspects of the required reading, including: the 1997-98 Asian Economic Crisis; the 1997 Constitution; the monarchy; poverty and inequality; judicialisation; yellow and red shirts, and the nature of Thaksin’s political intervention.

Week Two

          This week, we look back to the time before the prime ministership of Thaksin Shinawatra. The lectures will introduce Thailand’s political history in a little more detail and will continue to provide more on major concepts while also highlighting aspects of the required reading, including: democracy and economic development; the role of the military; the corruption discourse; the rising political power of the monarchy; and democratization debates.

Week Three

          This week we examine the period since the 2006 military coup that overthrew Prime Minister Taaksin. The lectures will provide more on major concepts while also highlighting aspects of the required reading, including: red shirts; yellow shirts; judicialisation; wealth and politics; and monarchy and lese majeste.

Useful web-based material on Thailand

www.asiasentinel.com

www.bangkokpost.com

www.khaosod.co.th/en

www.adb.org/countries/thailand/main

www.nationmaster.com/country/th-thailand

www.wouldbank.org/en/country/thailand

Asian Century

Will the 21^st Century be an Asian Century? Why or why not?

            The 21^st Century will be an Asian Century because of the strategic power focus of the US shifting to Asia-Pacific, the rise of China, the dynamic development of the ASEAN countries, the Myanmar’s role in connecting the Southeast and the South Asia, and the role of ASEAN in the future development of Japan and South-Korea.

            Some years ago, the strategic power focus of the United States shifted to the Asian-Pacific region. The current super power of the world considered to vest his power in Asia for the national interest and security of their states. The involvement of the US created a big role of Asia region in International Relations. The US power focus is believed to be maintained in this region for coming decades. Therefore the strategic power focus of the US in the Asia-Pacific is an important reason of why the 21^st century will be an Asian Century.

            The second reason in my view is the rise of China. The economic development of China has being very amazing in recent decades and it motivated China to take back the historical role in the region. The claim of East-China and South-China Sea area alarms that he is the great power of Asia and the historical contributor states must follow his desire. China, currently, can dominate the other Asian states economically, and China does not need to take care of the markets outside Asia. The rising power of China leads to a rising Asia, and it is a reason of why the 21^st Century will be an Asian Century.

            When we talk about Asia, the role of ASEAN can’t be left. The key players of the association like Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, the Philippine and Singapore can maintain their economic development. Moreover, the new comers like Vietnam and Myanmar can also be expected as the new dynamics of the ASEAN. The regional association is now establishing a community and it will start in 2015. The setting up of the ASEAN Community is believed to lead to the dynamic development of the region economically. Currently, ASEAN is shaping a regional identity and it will lead to the strength of the multi-cultural inter-states relations. Therefore, the dynamic development of ASEAN is also an important reason of why the 21^st century will be an Asian Century.

            In my opinion, there will be a big gap between Southeast and South Asian states unless Myanmar does not play as a bridge between these two sub-regions. Myanmar can overcome the suffering of military junta, and is now shaping a democratic nation. For the outside world, Myanmar is a new emerged exciting place for their investment. Economically developing and politically liberalizing Myanmar is believed to be a sole connection between the Southeast and South Asia. Myanmar plays a very important role for the communication of the people, the flow of goods, and for the strategic exit of the rising China to the India Ocean. Some decades ago, the Myanmar role in this region could not be expected very much but now the liberalization and democratization of Myanmar leads to the unity of the region. Therefore, the Myanmar role in connecting the sub-regions of Asia is also a reason of why the 21^st century will be an Asian Century.

            Here, the view of Japan and South-Korea should be taken into consideration. Japan, an island country is surrounded by historical enemies like China and South-Korea. Japan has nowhere to go but ASEAN. For Japan, ASEAN is a main transit for the energy import as well as a market for its exports. This situation paves the way to having a good relation with the ASEAN countries, and Japan spends lots of money to assist Asia-Pacific nations. Moreover, China, Japan and South-Korea need to take care of the ASEAN because it is the only platform they can communicate. For the above reasons, the ASEAN, China, Japan and South-Korea become interdependence, and it leads to the unity of Asia. I would argue, hopefully, the unity and cooperation of the Asian states will be stronger in the coming decades and it will make the 21^st century an Asian Century.

            However, I would not say that the Asian Century is perfect. There are some particular things which can undermine the Asian Century. The reunification of the Korea peninsula is still a big challenge for the two Koreas. The ASEAN cannot establish a mechanism to solve the South-China Sea dispute. The problem of China and Japan between Shinkaku Island still be a challenge to the security of the region. The claim of China in the East and South China Sea, and the involvement of the United States in the region need an understanding between the two powers.

            For resolving the above issues, I hope, ASEAN will set up a new agreement after 2015 which will lead to a stronger Asian cooperation including the biggest democratic India, the rising China and the US.

            To sum up, the 21^st century will be an Asian Century although the Asian needs to resolve several issues. Nonetheless, the strategic power focus of the US shifting to Asia-Pacific, the rise of China, the dynamic development of the ASEAN countries, the Myanmar’s role in connecting the Southeast and the South Asia, and the role of ASEAN in the future development of Japan and South-Korea are the main reasons of why the 21^st century will be an Asian century. Moreover, the emerging Asian Century will be a good example of the remaining regions of the world like Africa and Latin America.  

( This essay was written in the exam of Professor Thitinan Pondsudhirak, Professor of the  Chulalongkorn University, Thailand. The Professor appreciated the essay as the best of the class.)